From Prophethood to Caliphate: How Muhammad’s War Doctrine Became the Backbone of Islamic Empire
I. The Rashidun Blueprint: Muhammad’s Legacy as Law
After Muhammad’s death in 632 CE, the first four caliphs (Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman, and Ali) were not innovators—they were executors. Their job was to preserve and expand the very model Muhammad established: a militarized theocracy, fueled by plunder, zeal, and divine sanction.
A. Abu Bakr and the Ridda Wars
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The first caliph used violence to enforce religious conformity. When Arab tribes abandoned Islam after Muhammad's death, Abu Bakr launched brutal campaigns to force them back under Medina’s authority.
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These wars institutionalized apostasy as treason, laying the basis for later fiqh rulings mandating death for apostates.
“I will fight anyone who makes a distinction between prayer and zakat.” – Abu Bakr
B. Umar ibn al-Khattab: Architect of Conquest
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Under Umar, the Islamic empire exploded into Persia, Egypt, and the Levant.
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He systematized the jizya tax on non-Muslims and formalized the Dhimmi status.
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Umar’s policies became jurisprudential templates: codified by jurists as part of siyar (Islamic law of war and foreign relations).
C. Legalization of Land and Women as War Booty
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The Rashidun era validated Muhammad’s treatment of conquered lands and female captives as a perpetual precedent.
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These practices later entered all major books of fiqh—no abrogation, no reform.
II. Umayyad Empire: Militarized Expansion as State Policy
The Umayyads (661–750) turned the jihad model into a full-blown imperial engine. They didn't just follow Muhammad—they industrialized him.
A. Institutionalized Jihad
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Caliphs like Mu’awiyah and Walid I launched near-constant campaigns into North Africa, Spain, and Central Asia.
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The legal justification was simple: Dar al-Harb must be subdued.
B. Centralization of Sharia and Arab Supremacy
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The Umayyads merged religion and state violently. Arabic became the administrative language, and Islam the state ideology.
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Non-Arabs (mawali) were second-class citizens—even as Muslims. This racism was justified using early Islamic precedents of Qurayshi supremacy.
III. Abbasids: The Scholastic Empire of Sharia
The Abbasids (750–1258) were not just warriors—they were theologians with swords. They transformed Muhammad’s militarism into codified ideology.
A. Rise of the Madhhabs (Legal Schools)
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Under the Abbasids, the four Sunni madhhabs were canonized.
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These schools sanctified every major war doctrine of Muhammad:
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Offensive jihad as obligation
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Death for apostasy
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Jizya as humiliation
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Legal sexual slavery
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Division of the world into Dar al-Islam and Dar al-Harb
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B. Use of Hadith to Justify Brutality
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Collections like Sahih Bukhari and Sahih Muslim, compiled in the Abbasid era, include hadith glorifying conquest, beheadings, and bloodshed.
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The Abbasid project was not reform—it was legitimization.
IV. Ottoman Empire: Codified Theocracy on a Global Scale
The Ottomans (1299–1924) were the final and perhaps most refined expression of Muhammad’s imperial dream.
A. The Caliphate as Global Jihad Headquarters
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From Suleiman the Magnificent to Abdul Hamid II, the caliph was both sultan and successor to Muhammad.
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Ottoman law (Kanun) was always subordinated to Sharia—especially Hanafi fiqh, the most expansive and militarily permissive of the four schools.
B. The Devshirme and Janissaries: Codified Slavery for Jihad
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Christian boys were kidnapped, converted, and militarized under state policy. This was religiously justified as a means to strengthen Islam.
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These boys became elite troops—the sword of Allah institutionalized.
C. Legal Status of Dhimmis Maintained
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Even in the 19th century, Christians and Jews were still taxed, segregated, and politically suppressed.
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The Ottomans never abolished the Qur’an-based hierarchy of belief.
V. Conclusion: From Revelation to Empire
Muhammad’s sword didn’t stop at his grave—it was passed down, institutionalized, sharpened, and globalized.
Each successive Islamic regime built upon the legal and military precedents set by Muhammad:
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The Rashidun proved that apostasy is punishable by death and conquest is righteous.
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The Umayyads systematized racial and religious hierarchy.
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The Abbasids turned brutality into canon law.
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The Ottomans globalized it—and used theology to justify slavery, suppression, and perpetual war.
Modern Islamic apologists claim this legacy is a distortion. But the legacy is not a distortion of Muhammad—it is his direct legal consequence. The classical Islamic empires didn’t betray Muhammad’s teachings.
They fulfilled them.
π Appendix: Classical Sources Proving the Continuity of Muhammad’s War Doctrine
1. Reliance of the Traveller (‘Umdat al-Salik)
Legal Manual of the Shafi‘i School, certified by Al-Azhar University.
On Offensive Jihad:
“Jihad is a communal obligation (fard kifaya)... to make war upon non-Muslims...”
(Reliance, o9.1–o9.9)
On Apostasy:
“When a person who has reached puberty and is sane voluntarily apostatizes from Islam, he deserves to be killed.”
(Reliance, o8.1)
On Dhimmis:
Non-Muslims must be humiliated, pay jizya, and are forbidden to publicly practice religion.
(Reliance, o11.1–11.11)
2. Malik’s Muwatta
Imam Malik (d. 795), founder of the Maliki madhhab, codified Medina’s practices—many directly linked to Muhammad’s actions.
On War Booty:
“Captured women may be taken as concubines.”
(Muwatta, Book 21, Hadith 3)
On Jizya and Dhimmitude:
“Umar imposed a tax on the people of the Book... humiliation upon them.”
(Muwatta, Book 17, Hadith 4)
3. Al-Shafi‘i’s Risala
Foundational text for the Shafi‘i legal school, one of the most influential Sunni traditions.
On the Prophet’s Legal Authority:
“Everything the Prophet ordered is obligatory... his commands are law.”
(Risala, §289–291)
On Fighting Non-Muslims:
“Fight those who do not believe in Allah... until they pay the jizya.”
Based on Qur’an 9:29 and Hadith traditions integrated into Shafi‘i legal reasoning.
4. Al-Mawardi’s Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya (The Ordinances of Government)
Written under the Abbasids, this manual outlines ideal Islamic governance.
On Caliphal Duties:
“The Imam must prepare armies... and wage jihad against those who resist Islam.”
(Al-Ahkam, Chapter on Jihad)
On the Dhimmi System:
Dhimmis must be “subdued” and treated with “contempt” to preserve Islamic supremacy.
(Al-Ahkam, Chapter on Non-Muslims)
5. Ottoman Legal Codices (Kanun and Sharia Integration)
On Slavery and Devshirme:
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The Devshirme system (enslavement and Islamization of Christian boys) was sanctioned as a form of jihad and enforced by Sharia courts.
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Legal defense of the practice found in Ottoman fatwas by scholars like Ebu's-su'ud Efendi.
On Governance:
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The Kanun (civil law) was always subordinate to Sharia. Ottoman Grand Muftis issued binding fatwas ensuring all state actions aligned with Hanafi jurisprudence.
6. Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328) – The Salafi bridge between medieval and modern jihad
On Apostasy:
“There is no dispute among scholars that apostates must be killed.”
(Majmu’ al-Fatawa, Vol. 28, p. 534)
On Jihad Against the World:
“The purpose of jihad is not only to repel aggression... but to establish Islam everywhere.”
(Majmu’ al-Fatawa, Vol. 28, p. 417)
π Conclusion: The Legal Chain is Unbroken
This appendix reveals that:
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Muhammad’s war doctrine was not abandoned—it was engraved into law.
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Each Islamic empire took his blueprint and embedded it deeper into institutional and religious life.
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No major classical jurist or legal tradition ever repudiated offensive jihad, death for apostasy, or the subjugation of non-Muslims. Instead, they canonized it.
Islamic apologists claim the Prophet’s legacy was “misunderstood.” The reality is that it was understood too well—by those who built an empire on his words.
π Appendix Part II: From Sharia to Shrapnel – Modern Islamists and Their Classical Roots
π₯ 1. Sayyid Qutb (d. 1966) – The Intellectual Godfather of Global Jihad
Primary Work: Milestones (Ma‘alim fi’l-Tariq)
Jihad as Permanent Revolution:
“Jihad in Islam is not a defensive war... Islam has the right to destroy all obstacles in the form of institutions and traditions...”
— Milestones, Ch. 4
π Connection to Classical Thought: Qutb revives the classical notion of offensive jihad, rejecting the idea that Islam is only reactive. He quotes:
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Qur’an 9:29 ("fight those who do not believe…")
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Ibn Taymiyyah’s fatwas on continuous warfare
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Classical fiqh on the division of the world into Dar al-Islam and Dar al-Harb
⚔️ 2. Abul A‘la Mawdudi (d. 1979) – The Theocrat’s Strategist
Founder: Jamaat-e-Islami
Primary Work: Towards Understanding Islam, Jihad in Islam
Islam as a Political System:
“Islam is a revolutionary ideology and program which seeks to alter the social order of the whole world... Jihad means to struggle to seize power and establish an Islamic state.”
π Fiqh Linkage: Mawdudi calls on the legal tradition that:
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Obligates Muslims to “enjoin good and forbid evil” through power (see Reliance o25)
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Commands jihad as state policy (Mawardi’s Ahkam al-Sultaniyya)
He also cites the Caliphal model and Shafi’i legal reasoning as the gold standard for state-building.
π£ 3. Osama bin Laden (d. 2011) – From Fatwa to Fireball
Primary Text: Declaration of War Against the Americans Occupying the Land of the Two Holy Places (1996)
Justification of Violence:
“The ruling to kill the Americans and their allies—civilians and military—is an individual duty... in accordance with the words of Almighty Allah.”
π Islamic Legal Justification:
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Cites Qur’an 9:5, 9:29, and 2:190–191
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Refers to classical scholars like Ibn Taymiyyah and Al-Nawawi
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Quotes Al-Muwatta and fiqh rulings on warfare and apostasy
Bin Laden’s justification for suicide attacks is framed as martyrdom (istishhad), citing precedents where early Muslims willingly died for Islam’s expansion (e.g., Battle of Badr, Uhud).
π 4. Ayman al-Zawahiri (d. 2022) – The Scholar of Slaughter
Primary Works: Knights Under the Prophet’s Banner
Legal Framing of Global Jihad:
“We are not fighting to eliminate injustice... We are fighting to implement the Sharia.”
π Source Material:
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Invokes Shafi’i and Hanbali jurisprudence
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Repeatedly references the Reliance of the Traveller
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Frames jihad as both collective and individual duty (fard ‘ayn) once Muslims are attacked—expanding it globally
𧱠5. ISIS (Daesh) & the Caliphate Blueprint
Primary Legal Text: The Dabiq Magazine (Official ISIS Publication)
Doctrinal Backbone:
“The caliphate is not a dream... it is the return of Allah’s law... jihad against the kuffar is not optional.”
π Legal Foundations:
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Direct quotes from Ibn Kathir, Ibn Taymiyyah, Al-Shafi‘i, and Mawardi
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Reimplementation of:
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Jizya (taxation of Christians and Yazidis)
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Slavery and sex-slavery, justified with Malik and Hanbali texts
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Apostasy laws to justify mass executions
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𧩠Conclusion: No Discontinuity, Just Deployment
Modern jihadists don’t innovate—they excavate. They mine the classical legal tradition to give their violence moral legitimacy, and they succeed because the classical texts never rejected the goals of:
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Global Islamic dominion
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Violent enforcement of tawhid
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Suppression of dissent through war or execution
This appendix seals the case that:
There is no radical Islam and moderate Islam. There is only Islam—radicals just take it seriously.
π« Appendix Part III: From the Madrassa to the Minbar – How Classical Jihad Lives On in Modern Islamic Education
π 1. Al-Azhar University (Cairo, Egypt)
Regarded as the Vatican of Sunni Islam, Al-Azhar boasts a millennium of religious authority. Its claims to moderation obscure the continuity of classical fiqh, especially in its formal curriculum.
π Jurisprudential Manuals Taught:
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Al-Muwatta of Malik – Sanctions slavery, stoning, jihad as state expansion
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Shafi‘i’s Risala – Treats apostasy, jizya, and jihad as divine obligations
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Umdat al-Salik (Reliance of the Traveller) – Still used in Shafi'i legal courses
π₯ Explicit Teachings:
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2009 Fatwa from Al-Azhar’s Dar al-Ifta affirms:
“Waging jihad against non-Muslims to spread Islam is a legitimate part of Islamic law.”
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Graduation Requirement (Usul al-Din Faculty): Courses in Siyar (war jurisprudence) still cover the division of the world into Dar al-Islam vs. Dar al-Harb, and legitimize fighting against non-Muslim lands to establish Sharia.
π 2. Pakistan’s Madrassa Network (Deobandi & Barelvi Sects)
Pakistan’s madrassas produce over 30,000 graduates per year, many of whom receive certification (ijazah) in classical texts.
π Core Curriculum: Dars-e-Nizami
Still includes:
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Hidayah by Burhan al-Din al-Marghinani (Hanafi manual):
“Jihad is obligatory... at least once every year.”
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Nawawi’s Minhaj al-Talibin (Shafi‘i):
“The caliph fights those who refuse Islam or jizya... even if they do not initiate war.”
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Al-Ashbah wa al-Nazair (on legal maxims): Reaffirms enslavement and dhimmi hierarchy.
⚠️ Terrorist Links:
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Many Taliban and Jaish-e-Mohammed leaders are alumni of these seminaries
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Darul Uloom Haqqania: Known as the "University of Jihad"
π 3. Saudi Arabia: Wahhabi Endorsement of Classical Jihad
Saudi Arabia’s official curriculum (until 2019 reforms, and still in widespread unofficial circulation) taught:
π Tafsir (Qur’anic exegesis) Textbooks:
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Qur’an 9:5 (“kill the polytheists wherever you find them”) interpreted as:
“A general order for the Muslims to fight until Islam dominates.”
π Fiqh Books Used in Schools:
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Ibn Taymiyyah’s Majmu‘ al-Fatawa
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Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s Kitab al-Tawhid—labels Christians and Jews as kuffar and enemies of Islam unless subdued
π The ideological DNA of Al-Qaeda and ISIS remains embedded in these interpretations.
π 4. University of Medina & Islamic University of Umm al-Qura (Saudi Arabia)
Major international institutions exporting Wahhabi-trained clerics to Africa, Europe, and Southeast Asia.
π§ Legal Philosophy Still Taught:
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Ibn Qudamah’s “al-Mughni” (Hanbali fiqh): Explicitly allows for jihad as offensive war and mandates slavery of captives.
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Upholds the Hudud punishments, apostasy executions, and legal inferiority of non-Muslims
π‘ 5. Online Fatwa Portals & Da'wah Sites
Many Muslims bypass local imams and turn to:
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Islam Q&A (run by Shaykh Muhammad al-Munajjid)
Teaches that fighting disbelievers is “the greatest type of jihad”
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Ask Imam (Mufti Ebrahim Desai, South Africa)
Repeats Hanafi rulings on killing apostates, executing blasphemers, and waging war to expand Dar al-Islam
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Al-Islam.org (Shia-oriented)
Also affirms offensive jihad under a legitimate Islamic government
𧨠Conclusion: Modern Institutions Are the Arteries of Medieval Islam
These institutions don’t “radicalize”—they preserve. They are not the fringe. They are the mainstream of traditional Islamic thought, and they continue to form the intellectual backbone of jihadism.
Just as Sayyid Qutb reanimated Shafi’i and Ibn Taymiyyah, today's clerics are pouring classical content into modern platforms—whether it’s in a Cairo lecture hall, a Pakistani madrassa, or a YouTube livestream.
π️ Appendix Part IV: Polished Masks – How Western Islamic Institutions Rebrand Classical Supremacism
π 1. Zaytuna College (Berkeley, CA, USA)
Founded by Hamza Yusuf and Zaid Shakir, Zaytuna is promoted as the first accredited Islamic liberal arts college in the U.S.
π Curriculum Sources:
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Al-Ghazali’s Ihya Ulum al-Din (includes jihad as religious obligation)
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Reliance of the Traveller (Shafi‘i manual affirming execution for apostasy, blasphemy, jizya for non-Muslims)
Yet Zaytuna’s public narrative focuses on “beauty,” “tradition,” and “ethics,” carefully avoiding discussion of these harsh doctrines in public forums.
✅ Public language: “Moral excellence,” “Islamic tradition,” “virtue”
❌ Omitted terms: Jihad as warfare, apostasy law, hudud punishments, dhimma system
π¬π§ 2. Islamic Colleges in the UK
π« Markfield Institute of Higher Education (Leicester)
Affiliated with the Islamic Foundation, Markfield offers degrees in Islamic Studies and hosts interfaith dialogues.
But it also draws heavily on Abul A‘la Maududi, the Pakistani founder of Jamaat-e-Islami, who explicitly advocated theocratic rule by Sharia.
Maududi on jihad:
“Islam requires the earth — not just a portion, but the entire planet.”
π Textbooks used:
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Fiqh al-Sunnah by Sayyid Sabiq (includes corporal punishments, apostasy rulings)
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The Islamic Way of Life by Maududi (calls democracy “a form of shirk”)
⚠️ Tactic: Promote Maududi’s works in Arabic and Urdu syllabi, while whitewashing his message in English-language public engagement.
π 3. Islamic Online University (founded by Bilal Philips)
Widely accessed by Western Muslims seeking a structured Islamic education.
π Taught Materials:
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Ibn Taymiyyah’s Fatawa
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Classical works promoting hudud, jihad, and slavery
Though the website projects a moderate image, core teachings include:
“There is a consensus of Islamic jurists on the execution of the apostate.”
✅ Uses modern UX, videos, and English-friendly branding
❌ Still channels Wahhabi and Salafi jurisprudence with minimal reinterpretation
π️ 4. Western Universities Hosting “Islamic Studies”
π§π« Harvard, Oxford, SOAS (School of Oriental and African Studies), and more
While appearing academic and secular, these institutions regularly host:
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Professors and guest lecturers who sanitize jihad as merely “inner struggle”
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Sufi mysticism as a Trojan horse to reintroduce classical Sharia via scholars like al-Ghazali, who explicitly affirmed offensive jihad, and death for apostasy
⚠️ Result: Students encounter an “aesthetic” Islam, divorced from its jurisprudential realities — romanticizing a faith without reckoning with its supremacist legacy.
π€ 5. ISNA, CAIR, and Academic Co-Branding
Groups like the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR):
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Partner with universities for “diversity” and “interfaith” programs
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Advocate against “Islamophobia” while avoiding condemnation of classical Islamic legal codes still taught worldwide
These groups often invite speakers (like Siraj Wahhaj or Omar Suleiman) who:
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Publicly affirm belief in the Qur’an’s legal system
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Avoid discussing hudud, jihad, or dhimma openly but endorse them in closed lectures or texts
𧨠Conclusion: Rebranding Is Not Reform
“Reform” isn’t happening. What’s happening is rhetorical laundering.
Western Islamic institutions are not revising the content of traditional fiqh — they are changing the packaging:
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Arabic terms are left untranslated (e.g., “hikmah,” “fiqh,” “jihad”) to confuse outsiders.
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Brutal doctrines are softened with euphemisms: “social justice,” “communal obligations,” “legal pluralism”.
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The result is a sanitized storefront hiding an unchanged backroom.
π️ Appendix Part V: Online Preachers & Influencers – The New Faces of Classical Islamic Supremacism
π₯ 1. The Rise of Social Media Preachers
The advent of social media has allowed a new breed of Islamic preachers to gain immense influence, especially among young Western Muslims. Platforms like YouTube, Instagram, TikTok, and even podcasts have provided a fertile ground for spreading classical Islamic ideas—dressed up in the language of “faith,” “community,” or “peace.”
Despite their slick presentations and glossy images, many of these figures subtly or overtly advocate for theocratic governance, jihad, and the rejection of non-Islamic political systems.
π± 2. YouTube Preachers – The Jihadist Messaging in Disguise
π¬ Muhammad Hijab
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Channel: Muhammad Hijab, a prominent UK-based Muslim YouTuber, uses his platform to engage in debates about Islamic law, jihad, and prophet Muhammad’s legacy.
-
Key Themes:
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Hijab often refers to classical texts and reinterprets them in modern contexts—while avoiding explicit references to offensive jihad. Instead, he speaks of the spiritual struggle or defensive jihad, but selectively omits the legal implications of such struggles.
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Frequently dismisses non-Muslim governance as “corrupt” and promotes the idea that Islam should be the final authority.
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Example Quote: “Jihad is not just a war with swords. It’s a battle to establish justice. We must stand for Islam’s legal system and reject these secular governments.”
While Hijab's rhetoric often appeals to a broader audience, his underlying message echoes the traditional supremacist ideologies of jihad and Sharia.
π¬ Shaykh Dr. Yasir Qadhi
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Platform: Known for his academic background and relatively moderate tone, Yasir Qadhi is a revered figure in the Western Muslim community, particularly within North America.
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Key Themes:
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Qadhi has, at times, subtly endorsed the idea that Islamic law (Sharia) should ultimately govern society, stating that all Muslims must adhere to a “Caliphate-style” rule eventually.
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While Qadhi generally avoids direct calls for jihad, his influence as a scholar in the West remains considerable.
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Example Quote: "The concept of the Islamic state is a goal we work towards. Muslims, while living in the West, should not forget this central component of their faith."
Qadhi has often been criticized for his ambiguous stance on jihad and the use of Islamic law to challenge Western governance, leading to questions about his commitment to the democratic values of his audience.
π 3. TikTok & Instagram Influencers – New Generation, Same Ideas
Social media platforms like TikTok and Instagram have provided younger Muslims with platforms to express their beliefs, often with significant influence on their peers. Though they do not always explicitly discuss topics like jihad or Islamic theocracy, coded language and symbolism regularly emerge in their videos and posts.
πΈ Imam Omar Suleiman
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Platform: Omar Suleiman, a highly influential American Muslim scholar, uses social media to promote interfaith dialogue and peace. However, his views on the concept of Islamic governance and Islamic superiority have led to controversies.
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Key Themes:
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He advocates for the dominance of Islamic values over non-Islamic ones and often emphasizes the need for Sharia-compliant governance.
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Suleiman’s commentary frequently omits direct references to offensive jihad, but he leans heavily on the importance of Islamic identity, resisting secularism, and empowering Muslim communities to assert themselves politically.
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Example Quote: “We are part of a global Muslim community, and the establishment of a just Islamic state is an inherent duty.”
πΈ Nadirah Anguin
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Platform: Nadirah Anguin, a rising star among Muslim Instagram influencers, advocates for Islamic empowerment.
-
Key Themes:
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Uses empowering language about jihad as a spiritual struggle, but carefully avoids clarifying the legal or militant context.
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Promotes Islamic separatism by encouraging Muslims to form distinct cultural and political identities that align exclusively with Sharia law.
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Example Quote: "Our struggle is not just against oppression. It's a fight for Islam’s rightful place in this world, which is under Allah's law.”
π΄ 4. The Hidden Messages: Coded Language and Soft Jihad
π§ The Art of Coded Speech:
-
In Western contexts, the direct call to arms or calls for the establishment of an Islamic Caliphate are increasingly rare, as Muslim influencers are aware of the scrutiny their rhetoric faces in secular societies.
-
Instead, these figures focus on:
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Islamic empowerment: Regular emphasis on Sharia and jihad as peaceful struggles to impose Islamic values.
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Rejection of secularism: Promotion of Islamic principles as the only valid framework for governance.
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Victimhood narratives: Emphasizing the Muslim struggle against the West, framing issues like Islamophobia as evidence of the West’s moral decline and justifying future action.
-
π‘ Jihad as “Struggle”:
-
While these figures do not directly promote violent jihad, their rhetorical endorsement of Islamic supremacy and Sharia law makes it clear that non-Muslim rule is inherently illegitimate.
-
The underlying message remains that Muslims must resist secularism and fight for the dominance of Islam.
𧨠5. The Dangerous Aftermath: A Generation of Radicalized Muslims
As the figures mentioned above gain mainstream recognition through their platforms, they are shaping the next generation of Muslims, many of whom may not fully grasp the doctrinal implications of what they are being taught.
While the likes of Hijab, Qadhi, Suleiman, and others portray themselves as moderates or peacemakers, their silent endorsement of classical Islamic supremacist ideologies is a ticking time bomb, potentially radicalizing followers to reject Western democracy and yearn for the re-establishment of the Caliphate.
π₯ Conclusion: The Quiet Revolution
Though the language has evolved and the platforms have shifted, the ideological core of Islamic supremacism remains unchanged. These online figures—while publicly embracing tolerance, interfaith dialogue, and cultural integration—are continuing to spread classical ideas about Sharia, jihad, and Islamic dominance in a far more insidious, subtle manner.
This online jihad, camouflaged under the guise of “academic discussions” or “interfaith engagement,” is far more dangerous than overt violence—it breeds a long-term cultural and ideological war that can be fought in online forums, universities, and social circles, gradually leading to Muslim separatism, Islamic theocracy, and the undermining of secular societies from within.
Part VI: The Response of Western Governments to the Quiet, Yet Growing, Threat Within Their Borders
1. Acknowledging the Threat – Western Governments' Initial Hesitation
Over the last several decades, Western governments have been faced with a growing ideological threat from within their own borders—fueled largely by Islamic extremist ideologies propagated through social media, mosques, and even mainstream Islamic organizations. While the rise of radical violence (e.g., terrorist attacks) has captured the bulk of governmental attention, the ideological threat—embodied in the online jihadists, Islamic preachers, and Islamic supremacist rhetoric—has often been downplayed or overlooked.
Early Inaction:
-
In the aftermath of major terrorist events such as 9/11, the focus of Western governments quickly shifted to combating violent extremism through counterterrorism policies, military actions, and intelligence operations. However, ideological warfare—the battle over values, governance, and culture—was often viewed as secondary to immediate security concerns.
-
Western governments have also been cautious to tread lightly on issues regarding Islamic ideologies, fearing backlash against Muslim communities or accusations of Islamophobia. Many have adopted a stance of "political correctness," refusing to address the potentially dangerous implications of the ideological spread of Sharia, jihad, and Islamic supremacy due to concerns over freedom of speech and cultural sensitivity.
2. Policy Inaction vs. Political Correctness: A Deadly Stalemate
Western leaders often face a delicate balancing act. On one hand, they are aware of the dangers posed by the growing radicalization of Muslims and the influence of Islamic supremacist rhetoric in the media and mosques. On the other hand, they face the political and social pressures of appeasing Muslim communities, which has led many governments to avoid taking strong action against figures who spread these ideas.
Examples of Inaction:
-
In the UK, the phenomenon of radical preachers like Anwar al-Awlaki, Abu Qatada, and Abu Hamza gained prominence in the early 2000s. Despite their obvious radical rhetoric, these preachers were allowed to remain active within UK borders, sometimes even being allowed to spread their extremist messages freely in mosques and public forums, due to free speech protections.
-
France faced similar challenges, where Salafi preachers—some of whom openly called for the establishment of Sharia law in France—were able to gain a foothold in marginalized communities. These figures, often operating in a grey legal area, were protected by free speech laws, despite their deeply problematic and subversive rhetoric.
The Political Correctness Trap:
-
Western governments, especially in Europe, have often shied away from calling out problematic ideologies within Islamic communities. Terms like "Islamic extremism" have been replaced with vague terms like "violent extremism," to avoid associating Islam with terrorism. This has led to a lack of clarity in public discourse and policymaking.
-
Academia and media outlets in the West have contributed to this by focusing on the positive aspects of Islam and avoiding the discussion of Islamic texts that explicitly endorse violence, jihad, or Sharia law as a system of governance. By sanitizing these aspects, the dangers of Islamic supremacism are downplayed or ignored entirely.
3. The Growing Challenge: Islamic Radicals in the Digital Age
The global reach of social media has exponentially expanded the influence of Islamic preachers, making it more difficult for Western governments to control or monitor extremist messaging. Platforms like YouTube, Instagram, and TikTok serve as ideal spaces for radicalization, providing a new generation of Western Muslims with easy access to extremist ideologies in a controlled and censored environment.
Radicalization through Social Media:
-
YouTube preachers like Muhammad Hijab and Shaykh Hamza Yusuf are able to reach millions of viewers across the globe, using polished rhetoric and compelling narratives that resonate with both moderate and more radical Muslim audiences.
-
The digital age has allowed these influencers to bypass traditional gatekeepers, such as mosques, scholars, and government surveillance, spreading their message directly to their followers.
Algorithmic Amplification:
-
Social media algorithms inadvertently amplify extremist messages, as content that engages users—whether through controversial or emotional content—tends to be prioritized.
-
The focus on views, engagement, and shares means that provocative messages that align with the views of radical Muslim influencers are often promoted far more heavily than more moderate or academic content.
4. Reactive Measures: Government Crackdowns
As the threats from Islamic extremism and radicalization through online influencers have grown, many Western governments have finally begun to take some reactive measures to counteract this threat.
Case Studies in Policy Response:
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The UK has, in recent years, implemented counter-extremism programs like Prevent, which focuses on deradicalizing Muslims who show signs of being influenced by extremist ideologies. However, these programs have been criticized for being ineffective or even counterproductive, as they sometimes alienate Muslim communities by framing them all as potential threats.
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France has taken a stronger approach in recent years, implementing anti-radicalization policies that involve closing down extremist mosques, prosecuting individuals who incite violence, and promoting secularism in public spaces. However, these actions have also drawn backlash from some Muslim communities who feel unfairly targeted.
Online Censorship and Surveillance:
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Governments, especially in Europe, have begun to crack down on extremist content online by pushing for more stringent regulation of social media platforms. For example, in the EU, the Digital Services Act has been designed to force social media companies to remove harmful content, including extremist rhetoric.
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However, the challenge remains that platforms like Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter continue to be slow to act on Islamic supremacist content, and when they do, it is often easily bypassed by shifting to other less-policed platforms.
5. The Dangers of Appeasement: How Western Governments May Be Facilitating the Spread
The continued appeasement of certain Islamic groups—whether out of fear of Islamophobia accusations or due to the political goal of integrating Muslims into Western societies—is actually allowing Islamic supremacist ideologies to fester in the West.
Case Example: Muslim Brotherhood and Radical Groups:
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The Muslim Brotherhood—a globally recognized Islamist political and social movement—has infiltrated Western institutions with the aim of establishing Sharia-compliant governance. In the UK, the Brotherhood has cultivated deep political relationships with certain political leaders and charities, pushing for policies that would favor Islamic law.
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Some of these figures have been linked to online jihadist propaganda, presenting Sharia law and Islamic governance as solutions to societal issues in the West.
Key point: Islamism, in the form of political Islam, continues to subtly influence Western academic institutions, media outlets, and even legislative bodies.
6. The Long-Term Challenge: The Ideological War Continues
While there have been efforts to curb violent extremism, the ideological struggle remains the central challenge. For Western governments to effectively address the Islamic supremacist threat, they must face the uncomfortable truth about the pervasive role of Islamic doctrines that advocate for theocratic governance, jihad, and the imposition of Sharia law.
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This involves not just countering violent jihad, but also fighting the ideological warfare that is being waged through platforms like YouTube and TikTok, and within universities and mosques.
Key takeaways: Governments must be prepared to confront the reality of Sharia-based political agendas, reject Islamist ideologies, and focus on protecting secular values—all while navigating the difficult path of balancing free speech with the fight against radicalization.
Conclusion: The Need for a Clear-Eyed, Uncompromising Response
The quiet spread of radical Islamic ideologies in the West via social media, online preachers, and Islamist influencers is one of the greatest threats to secular democracy in the 21st century. Until Western governments acknowledge and take a firm stance against the ideological underpinnings of political Islam, the struggle for the soul of the West will continue to intensify.
Governments must stop dancing around the issue, confront the reality of Islamic supremacism, and ensure that their counter-radicalization strategies are comprehensive and effective—not just limited to combating terrorism, but also addressing the broader ideological warfare that is being waged through social media and educational institutions.
The battle for ideological supremacy is being fought online, and if the West fails to engage with it, it risks allowing Islamic supremacist doctrines to quietly undermine the foundations of freedom, democracy, and secularism.
